Truth Rises . . . Here is Mine
The Report from Iron Mountain - The Playbook from 1967
|
|
The Revolution will NOT be Televised
|
|
|
FOREWORD
"John Doe," as I will call him in this book for reasons that will be made clear, is
a professor at a large university in the Middle West. His field is one of the
social sciences, but I will not identify him beyond this. He telephoned me one
evening last winter, quite unexpectedly; we had not been in touch for several
years. He was in New York for a few days, he said, and there was something
important he wanted to discuss with me. He wouldn't say what it was. We met
for lunch the next day at a midtown restaurant.
He was obviously disturbed. He made small talk for half an hour, which was
quite out of character, and I didn't press him. Then, apropos of nothing, he
mentioned a dispute between a writer and a prominent political family that had
been in the headlines. What, he wanted to know, were my views on "freedom of
information"? How would I qualify them? And so on. My answers were not
memorable, but they seemed to satisfy him. Then, quite abruptly, he began to
tell me the following story:
Early in August of 1963, he said, he found a message on his desk that a "Mrs.
Potts" had called him from Washington. When he returned the call, a MAN
answered immediately, and told Doe, among other things, that he had been
selected to serve on a commission "of the highest importance." Its objective was
to determine, accurately and realistically, the nature of the problems that would
confront the United States if and when a condition of "permanent peace" should
arrive, and to draft a program for dealing with this contingency. The man
described the unique procedures that were to govern the commission's work and
that were expected to extend its scope far beyond that of any previous
examination of these problems.
Considering that the caller did not precisely identify either himself or his
agency, his persuasiveness must have been a truly remarkable order. Doe
entertained no serious doubts of the bona fides of the project, however, chiefly
because of his previous experience with the excessive secrecy that often
surrounds quasi-governmental activities. In addition, the man at the other end of
the line demonstrated an impressively complete and surprisingly detailed
knowledge of Doe's work and personal life. He also mentioned the names of
others who were to serve with the group; most of them were known to Doe by
reputation. Doe agreed to take the assignment --- he felt he had no real choice in
the matter --- and to appear the second Saturday following at Iron Mountain,
New York. An airline ticket arrived in his mail the next morning.
The cloak-and-dagger tone of this convocation was further enhanced by the
meeting place itself. Iron Mountain, located near the town of Hudson, is like
something out of Ian Fleming or E. Phillips Oppenheim. It is an underground
nuclear hideout for hundreds of large American corporations. Most of them use
it as an emergency storage vault for important documents. But a number of
them maintain substitute corporate headquarters as well, where essential
personnel could presumably survive and continue to work after an attack. This
latter group includes such firms as Standard Oil of New Jersey, Manufacturers
Hanover Trust, and Shell.
I will leave most of the story of the operations of the Special Study Group, as
the commission was formally called, for Doe to tell in his own words
("Background Information"). At this point it is necessary to say only that it met
and worked regularly for over two and a half years, after which it produced a
Report. It was this document, and what to do about it, that Doe wanted to talk to
me about.
The Report, he said, had been suppressed --- both by the Special Study Group
itself and by the government INTERAGENCY committee to which it had been
submitted. After months of agonizing, Doe had decided that he would no longer
be party to keeping it secret. What he wanted from me was advice and
assistance in having it published. He gave me his copy to read, with the express
understanding that if for any reason I were unwilling to become involved, I
would say nothing about it to anyone else.
I read the Report that same night. I will pass over my own reactions to it, except
to say that the unwillingness of Doe's associates to publicize their findings
became readily understandable. What had happened was that they had been so
tenacious in their determination to deal comprehensively with the many
problems of transition to peace that the original questions asked of them were
never quite answered. Instead, this is what they concluded:
Lasting peace, while no theoretically impossible, is probably unattainable; even
if it could be achieved it would almost certainly not be in the best interests of a
stable society to achieve it.
That is the gist of what they say. Behind their qualified academic language runs
this general argument: War fills certain functions essential to the stability of our
society; until other ways of filling them are developed, the war system must be
maintained -- and improved in effectiveness.
It is not surprising that the Group, in its Letter of Transmittal, did not choose to
justify its work to "the lay reader, unexposed to the exigencies of higher
political or military responsibility." Its Report was addressed, deliberately, to
unnamed government administrators of high rank; it assumed - considerable
political sophistication from this select audience. To the general reader,
therefore, the substance of the document may be even more unsettling than its
conclusions. He may not be prepared for some of its assumptions -- for instance,
that most medical advances are viewed more as problems than as progress; or
that poverty is necessary and desirable, public postures by politicians to the
contrary notwithstanding; or that standing armies are, among other things
social-welfare institutions in exactly the same sense as are old-people's homes
and mental hospitals. It may strike him as odd to find the probably explanation
of "flying saucer" incidents disposed of en passant in less than a sentence. He
may be less surprised to find that the space program and the "controversial
antimissile missile and fallout shelter programs are understood to have the
spending of vast sums of money, not the advancement of science or national
defense, as their principal goals, and to learn that "military" draft policies are
only remotely concerned with defense.
He may be offended to find the organized repression of minority groups, and
even the reestablishment of slavery, seriously (and on the whole favorably
discussed as possible aspects of a world at peace. He is not likely to take kindly
to the notion of the deliberate intensification of air and water pollution (as part
of a program leading to peace), even when the reason for considering it is made
clear. That a world without war will have to turn sooner rather than later to
universal test-tube procreation will be less disturbing, if no more appealing. But
few readers will not be taken aback, at least, by a few lines in the Report's
conclusions, repeated in its formal recommendations, that suggest that the long-
range planning--and "budgeting" -- of the "optimum" number of lives to be
destroyed annually in overt warfare is high on the Group's list of priorities for
government action.
I cite these few examples primarily to warn the general reader what he can
expect. The statesmen and strategists for whose eyes the Report was intended
obviously need no such protective admonition.
This book, of course, is evidence of my response to Doe's request. After
carefully considering the problems that might confront the publisher of the
Report, we took it to The Dial Press. There, its significance was immediately
recognized, and, more important, we were given firm assurances that no outside
pressures of any sort would be permitted to interfere with its publication.
It should be made clear that Doe does not disagree with the substance of the
Report, which represents as genuine consensus in all important respects. He
constituted a minority of one -- but only on the issue of disclosing it to the
general public. A look at how the Group dealt with this question will be
illuminating
The debate took place at the Group's last full meeting before the Report was
written, late in March, 1966, and again at Iron Mountain. Two facts must be
kept in mind, by way of background. The first is that the Special Study Group
had never been explicitly charged with or sworn to secrecy, either when it was
convened or at any time thereafter. The second is that the Group had
nevertheless operated as if it had been. This was assumed from the
circumstances of its inception and from the tone of its instructions. (The Group's
acknowledgment of help from "the many persons....who contributed so greatly
to our work" is somewhat equivocal; these persons were not told the nature of
the project for which their special resources of information were solicited.)
Those who argued the case for keeping the Report secret were admittedly
motivated by fear of the explosive political effects that could be expected from
publicity. For evidence, they pointed to the suppression of the far less
controversial report of then-Senator Hubert Humphrey's subcommittee on
disarmament in 1962. (Subcommittee members had reportedly feared that it
might be used by Communist propagandists, as Senator Stuart Symington put it,
to "back up the Marxian theory that was production was the reason for the
success of capitalism.") Similar political precautions had been taken with the
better-known Gaither Report in 1957, and even with the so-called Moynihan
Report in 1965.
Furthermore, they insisted, a distinction must be made between serious studies,
which are normally classified unless and until policy makers decide to release
them, and conventional "showcase" projects, organized to demonstrate a
political leadership's concerns about an issue and to deflect the energy of those
pressing for action on it. (The example used, because some of the Group had
participated in it, was a "While House Conference" on intended cooperation,
disarmament, etc., which had been staged late in 1965 to offset complaints
about escalation of Vietnam War.)
Doe acknowledges this distinction, as well as the strong possibility of public
misunderstanding. But he feels that if the sponsoring agency had wanted to
mandate secrecy it could have done so at the outset. It could also have assigned
the project to one of the government's established "think tanks," which normally
work on a classified basis. He scoffed at fear of public reaction, which could have
no lasting effect on long-range measures that might be taken to implement
the Group's proposals, and derided the Group's abdication of responsibility for
its opinions and conclusions. So far as he was concerned, there was such a thing
as a public right to know what was being done on its behalf; the burden of proof
was on those who would abridge it.
If my account seems to give Doe the better of the argument, despite his failure
to convince his colleagues, so be it. My participation in this book testifies that I
am not neutral. In my opinion, the decision of the Special Study Group to
censor its own findings was not merely timid but presumptuous. But the refusal,
as of this writing, of the agencies for which the Report was prepared to release
it themselves raises broader questions of public policy. Such questions center on
the continuing use of self-serve definitions of "security" to avoid possible
political embarrassment. It is ironic how often this practice backfires.
I should state, for the record, that I do not share the attitudes toward war and
peace, life and death, and survival of the species manifested in the Report. Few
readers will. In human terms, it is an outrageous document. But it does
represent a serious and challenging effort to define an enormous problem. And
it explains, or certainly appears to explain, aspects of American policy
otherwise incomprehensible by the ordinary standards of common sense. What
we may think of these explanations is something else, but it seems to me that
we are entitled to know not only what they are but whose they are.
By "whose" I don't mean merely the names of the authors of the Report. Much
more important, we have a right to know to what extent their assumptions of
social necessity are shared by the decision-makers in our government. Which do
they accept and which do they reject? However disturbing the answers, only full
and frank discussion offers any conceivable hope of solving the problems raised
by the Special Study Group in their Report from Iron Mountain.
L.C.L. New York June 1967
"John Doe," as I will call him in this book for reasons that will be made clear, is
a professor at a large university in the Middle West. His field is one of the
social sciences, but I will not identify him beyond this. He telephoned me one
evening last winter, quite unexpectedly; we had not been in touch for several
years. He was in New York for a few days, he said, and there was something
important he wanted to discuss with me. He wouldn't say what it was. We met
for lunch the next day at a midtown restaurant.
He was obviously disturbed. He made small talk for half an hour, which was
quite out of character, and I didn't press him. Then, apropos of nothing, he
mentioned a dispute between a writer and a prominent political family that had
been in the headlines. What, he wanted to know, were my views on "freedom of
information"? How would I qualify them? And so on. My answers were not
memorable, but they seemed to satisfy him. Then, quite abruptly, he began to
tell me the following story:
Early in August of 1963, he said, he found a message on his desk that a "Mrs.
Potts" had called him from Washington. When he returned the call, a MAN
answered immediately, and told Doe, among other things, that he had been
selected to serve on a commission "of the highest importance." Its objective was
to determine, accurately and realistically, the nature of the problems that would
confront the United States if and when a condition of "permanent peace" should
arrive, and to draft a program for dealing with this contingency. The man
described the unique procedures that were to govern the commission's work and
that were expected to extend its scope far beyond that of any previous
examination of these problems.
Considering that the caller did not precisely identify either himself or his
agency, his persuasiveness must have been a truly remarkable order. Doe
entertained no serious doubts of the bona fides of the project, however, chiefly
because of his previous experience with the excessive secrecy that often
surrounds quasi-governmental activities. In addition, the man at the other end of
the line demonstrated an impressively complete and surprisingly detailed
knowledge of Doe's work and personal life. He also mentioned the names of
others who were to serve with the group; most of them were known to Doe by
reputation. Doe agreed to take the assignment --- he felt he had no real choice in
the matter --- and to appear the second Saturday following at Iron Mountain,
New York. An airline ticket arrived in his mail the next morning.
The cloak-and-dagger tone of this convocation was further enhanced by the
meeting place itself. Iron Mountain, located near the town of Hudson, is like
something out of Ian Fleming or E. Phillips Oppenheim. It is an underground
nuclear hideout for hundreds of large American corporations. Most of them use
it as an emergency storage vault for important documents. But a number of
them maintain substitute corporate headquarters as well, where essential
personnel could presumably survive and continue to work after an attack. This
latter group includes such firms as Standard Oil of New Jersey, Manufacturers
Hanover Trust, and Shell.
I will leave most of the story of the operations of the Special Study Group, as
the commission was formally called, for Doe to tell in his own words
("Background Information"). At this point it is necessary to say only that it met
and worked regularly for over two and a half years, after which it produced a
Report. It was this document, and what to do about it, that Doe wanted to talk to
me about.
The Report, he said, had been suppressed --- both by the Special Study Group
itself and by the government INTERAGENCY committee to which it had been
submitted. After months of agonizing, Doe had decided that he would no longer
be party to keeping it secret. What he wanted from me was advice and
assistance in having it published. He gave me his copy to read, with the express
understanding that if for any reason I were unwilling to become involved, I
would say nothing about it to anyone else.
I read the Report that same night. I will pass over my own reactions to it, except
to say that the unwillingness of Doe's associates to publicize their findings
became readily understandable. What had happened was that they had been so
tenacious in their determination to deal comprehensively with the many
problems of transition to peace that the original questions asked of them were
never quite answered. Instead, this is what they concluded:
Lasting peace, while no theoretically impossible, is probably unattainable; even
if it could be achieved it would almost certainly not be in the best interests of a
stable society to achieve it.
That is the gist of what they say. Behind their qualified academic language runs
this general argument: War fills certain functions essential to the stability of our
society; until other ways of filling them are developed, the war system must be
maintained -- and improved in effectiveness.
It is not surprising that the Group, in its Letter of Transmittal, did not choose to
justify its work to "the lay reader, unexposed to the exigencies of higher
political or military responsibility." Its Report was addressed, deliberately, to
unnamed government administrators of high rank; it assumed - considerable
political sophistication from this select audience. To the general reader,
therefore, the substance of the document may be even more unsettling than its
conclusions. He may not be prepared for some of its assumptions -- for instance,
that most medical advances are viewed more as problems than as progress; or
that poverty is necessary and desirable, public postures by politicians to the
contrary notwithstanding; or that standing armies are, among other things
social-welfare institutions in exactly the same sense as are old-people's homes
and mental hospitals. It may strike him as odd to find the probably explanation
of "flying saucer" incidents disposed of en passant in less than a sentence. He
may be less surprised to find that the space program and the "controversial
antimissile missile and fallout shelter programs are understood to have the
spending of vast sums of money, not the advancement of science or national
defense, as their principal goals, and to learn that "military" draft policies are
only remotely concerned with defense.
He may be offended to find the organized repression of minority groups, and
even the reestablishment of slavery, seriously (and on the whole favorably
discussed as possible aspects of a world at peace. He is not likely to take kindly
to the notion of the deliberate intensification of air and water pollution (as part
of a program leading to peace), even when the reason for considering it is made
clear. That a world without war will have to turn sooner rather than later to
universal test-tube procreation will be less disturbing, if no more appealing. But
few readers will not be taken aback, at least, by a few lines in the Report's
conclusions, repeated in its formal recommendations, that suggest that the long-
range planning--and "budgeting" -- of the "optimum" number of lives to be
destroyed annually in overt warfare is high on the Group's list of priorities for
government action.
I cite these few examples primarily to warn the general reader what he can
expect. The statesmen and strategists for whose eyes the Report was intended
obviously need no such protective admonition.
This book, of course, is evidence of my response to Doe's request. After
carefully considering the problems that might confront the publisher of the
Report, we took it to The Dial Press. There, its significance was immediately
recognized, and, more important, we were given firm assurances that no outside
pressures of any sort would be permitted to interfere with its publication.
It should be made clear that Doe does not disagree with the substance of the
Report, which represents as genuine consensus in all important respects. He
constituted a minority of one -- but only on the issue of disclosing it to the
general public. A look at how the Group dealt with this question will be
illuminating
The debate took place at the Group's last full meeting before the Report was
written, late in March, 1966, and again at Iron Mountain. Two facts must be
kept in mind, by way of background. The first is that the Special Study Group
had never been explicitly charged with or sworn to secrecy, either when it was
convened or at any time thereafter. The second is that the Group had
nevertheless operated as if it had been. This was assumed from the
circumstances of its inception and from the tone of its instructions. (The Group's
acknowledgment of help from "the many persons....who contributed so greatly
to our work" is somewhat equivocal; these persons were not told the nature of
the project for which their special resources of information were solicited.)
Those who argued the case for keeping the Report secret were admittedly
motivated by fear of the explosive political effects that could be expected from
publicity. For evidence, they pointed to the suppression of the far less
controversial report of then-Senator Hubert Humphrey's subcommittee on
disarmament in 1962. (Subcommittee members had reportedly feared that it
might be used by Communist propagandists, as Senator Stuart Symington put it,
to "back up the Marxian theory that was production was the reason for the
success of capitalism.") Similar political precautions had been taken with the
better-known Gaither Report in 1957, and even with the so-called Moynihan
Report in 1965.
Furthermore, they insisted, a distinction must be made between serious studies,
which are normally classified unless and until policy makers decide to release
them, and conventional "showcase" projects, organized to demonstrate a
political leadership's concerns about an issue and to deflect the energy of those
pressing for action on it. (The example used, because some of the Group had
participated in it, was a "While House Conference" on intended cooperation,
disarmament, etc., which had been staged late in 1965 to offset complaints
about escalation of Vietnam War.)
Doe acknowledges this distinction, as well as the strong possibility of public
misunderstanding. But he feels that if the sponsoring agency had wanted to
mandate secrecy it could have done so at the outset. It could also have assigned
the project to one of the government's established "think tanks," which normally
work on a classified basis. He scoffed at fear of public reaction, which could have
no lasting effect on long-range measures that might be taken to implement
the Group's proposals, and derided the Group's abdication of responsibility for
its opinions and conclusions. So far as he was concerned, there was such a thing
as a public right to know what was being done on its behalf; the burden of proof
was on those who would abridge it.
If my account seems to give Doe the better of the argument, despite his failure
to convince his colleagues, so be it. My participation in this book testifies that I
am not neutral. In my opinion, the decision of the Special Study Group to
censor its own findings was not merely timid but presumptuous. But the refusal,
as of this writing, of the agencies for which the Report was prepared to release
it themselves raises broader questions of public policy. Such questions center on
the continuing use of self-serve definitions of "security" to avoid possible
political embarrassment. It is ironic how often this practice backfires.
I should state, for the record, that I do not share the attitudes toward war and
peace, life and death, and survival of the species manifested in the Report. Few
readers will. In human terms, it is an outrageous document. But it does
represent a serious and challenging effort to define an enormous problem. And
it explains, or certainly appears to explain, aspects of American policy
otherwise incomprehensible by the ordinary standards of common sense. What
we may think of these explanations is something else, but it seems to me that
we are entitled to know not only what they are but whose they are.
By "whose" I don't mean merely the names of the authors of the Report. Much
more important, we have a right to know to what extent their assumptions of
social necessity are shared by the decision-makers in our government. Which do
they accept and which do they reject? However disturbing the answers, only full
and frank discussion offers any conceivable hope of solving the problems raised
by the Special Study Group in their Report from Iron Mountain.
L.C.L. New York June 1967
Support the TRUTH Tellers! No ByStanders . . .
New York Nurse Erin Marie Olszewski
The (Undercover) Epicenter Nurse
COVID NURSE TELLS THE REAL STORY . . . RIVITING & SHOCKING
Erin Marie Olszewski is a Nurse-turned-investigative journalist, who has spent the last few months on the frontlines of the coronavirus pandemic, on the inside in two radically different settings. Two hospitals. One private, the other public. One in Florida, the other in New York. And not just any New York public hospital, but the "epicenter of the epicenter" itself, the infamous Elmhurst in Donald Trump's Queens. As a result of these diametrically opposed experiences, she has the ultimate "perspective on the pandemic". She has been where there have been the most deaths attributed to Covid-19 and where there have been the least. Erin enlisted in the Army when she was 17. She deployed in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003. Part of her duties involved overseeing aid disbursement and improvements to hospital facilities. While in country she received the Army Commendation Medal for meritorious service, and was wounded in combat. Erin eventually retired as a sergeant, and became a civilian nurse in 2012. Erin is a medical freedom and informed consent advocate. She co-founded the Florida Freedom Alliance but no longer has any connection with the organization. (As of publication of this video, the producers are still awaiting comment from Elmhurst Hospital). Produced by Libby Handros and John Kirby, The Press and the Public Project.
ROBERT F. KENNEDY, JR. ~ INTERVIEWS DR. DAVID MARTIN ABOUT FAUCI, MODERNA, CORRUPTION
OMG can it get any worse, it seems it can!?! Tony Fauci is a mafia style criminal, he is using his position to create a pharmaceutical racket. He controls the pathogens, he controls the chosen solution, he controls the method of production, he controls the awarding of contracts, and he controls the pricing. He has funded Moderna using taxpayer money by awarding them non competitive grants. Then he sets the price for purchasing the drug from the pharmaceuticals even though tax payers paid for the development. Fauci the head of NIAID, the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, funds approximately 1300 principle investigators doing research at Universities, he then transfers the funded technology to the drug companies to bring to market, then he and his staff benefit from the royalties from the drugs sales approved by the FDA, even though the tax payer originally funded the research and production.
Even worse, chronic disease rate increased from 12% to 54% in the US during Anthony Fauci’s watch. It seems that Fauci is not interested in helping people, he is interested in making people ill so he can make money selling them drugs. What has Fauci been releasing into the public domain to poison everyone’s immune systems over the last 50 years exploding chronic diseases?
Tony Fauci is a sick, evil, psychopath.
Website: livewellaps.com/standup
Tony Fauci is a sick, evil, psychopath.
Website: livewellaps.com/standup
Join the millions of people and tens of thousands of good doctors, nurses and scientists all around the world who are standing up for the scientific method, good medicine, and good science. The ridiculous virtue signaling, bad science, lockdown insanity, and draconian corporate and government edicts must be stopped NOW.
Website: livewellaps.com/standup Contact us: admin@livewellaps.com
Download Articles, Websites & Video Links (PDF): livewellaps.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Articles-Websites-Video-Links.pdf Make a Donation NOW: gofundme.com/f/stand-up-defend Sign the World Doctors Alliance Open Letter: worlddoctorsalliance.com Become a Patreon Member: patreon.com/lwaps
Telegram Channel Link: t.me/standupdefend Please support the “Stand Up & Defend” campaign by making a donation on our GoFundMe page (link above). You can also help us with monthly donations by becoming a Patreon member (link above) where you can view exclusive interviews and content on this subject and much more. Your support of this vital effort will help us reach every private practitioner in the U.S. and provide the needed support for good doctors and nurses who have the courage to speak the truth. source: https://newtube.app/StandUpDefend/vyxqq6I
Website: livewellaps.com/standup Contact us: admin@livewellaps.com
Download Articles, Websites & Video Links (PDF): livewellaps.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Articles-Websites-Video-Links.pdf Make a Donation NOW: gofundme.com/f/stand-up-defend Sign the World Doctors Alliance Open Letter: worlddoctorsalliance.com Become a Patreon Member: patreon.com/lwaps
Telegram Channel Link: t.me/standupdefend Please support the “Stand Up & Defend” campaign by making a donation on our GoFundMe page (link above). You can also help us with monthly donations by becoming a Patreon member (link above) where you can view exclusive interviews and content on this subject and much more. Your support of this vital effort will help us reach every private practitioner in the U.S. and provide the needed support for good doctors and nurses who have the courage to speak the truth. source: https://newtube.app/StandUpDefend/vyxqq6I
STOP THE SHOT
https://www.lifesitenews.com/conference-stop-the-shot/
Covid Victory in Canada
MOTHER EARTH - KARMA IS THE LAW OF CAUSE AND EFFECT
Don't Be Scared Be Prepared . . . I think Mother Earth Will Have the Last Word Here and Soon! Watch Dutch to learn!
October 9, 2020 350am Central time
|
|
Health is WEALTH . . . Take GOOD CARE!
FLCCC.NET FRONTLINE COVID CRITICAL CARE ALLIANCE
The I-MASK+ Protocol complements our MATH+ Hospital Treatment Protocol for Covid-19 from March 2020, which is intended for hospitalized patients. Both are physiologic-based combination treatment regimens developed by leaders in critical care medicine. All component medicines are FDA-approved, inexpensive, readily available and have been used for decades with well-established safety profiles. In October 2020, we added ivermectin as a core medication in the prevention and treatment of COVID-19.
